Urination In The Elderly

the journal
Archipelago (number 54, March-April 2011)


Sovereignty and Revolution


From 1943 to 1947 - over the years of turmoil and tragedy, during which the nation shook off the shadow and the claws of fascism, whose spectrum is not spared as a result of darkening the already dark, the dream is not inhibited unless the imagination, the events of the now adult Italian Republic - governments that precariously * succeeded in the task of callosum shape and substance to the state institutions while the armies of the Soviet camps and Anglo American came into contact swallowing the Nazi monster, these governments had to deal with the sale of small and not significant portions of the sacred soil of the homeland. Of the Kingdom of Italy which, with all due respect for all citizens which, moreover, still hope it will finally guaranteed real sovereignty and freedom, rest - and hope for good - in the marble plaque in history, we celebrate the upcoming March 17 the fiftieth anniversary of the proclamation.


Unity and diversity of the nation

At the first unit and the rest small achievement, since the liberation of Venice from Habsburg rule and that of Rome from papal temporal power will occur with some years of significant delay, it came in the late winter of 1861, at the assembly hall of the first national parliament, convened in Turin, and preceded by a series of plebiscites in which the various ruins along the peninsula of aristocratic power that illuminated most obscurantist had gone to annex to the Savoy monarchy. The divisive issues of unification linguistic, economic, social, postponed his own solution to a future that, in large part, has still to be done. In the Italian Risorgimento progressive political factions, such as Mazzini, fruit and expression of a national bourgeoisie in the fields of puberty, prohibited outright to address social problems such conditions necessary to obtain political unification; components liberal majority to ' Internal the bourgeoisie, on the other hand, were inclined to the alliance of interests with the agrarian nobility. On the one hand the clever diplomatic game of Cavour, which earned the support lent to the Italian cause by Napoleon III, and the other firm Garibaldi ambitions and choices of the two antagonistic tendencies and gained the royal head of Victor Emanuele of Savoy, the crown of King of Italy. At the dawn of its history, therefore, the political class that would then governed the destiny of the nation through familiar and sad vicissitudes qualifying for catastrophic lateness and rash. Of social contradictions, which had also exploded in the European revolutions of 1848 and came on again rushing with the Paris Commune of 1871, in which turbidity was overwhelmed, according to one of the not infrequent sarcasm of poetic justice, just that Louis Napoleon had been the magnanimous and cautious guardian of Italian independence, their epochal consciousness is imprinted only forms in soft and faded in the minds of famous fathers of the homeland and source of national political class. There is no shortage exceptions, but these were excluded because of the prudence of the timing and indoles, in accordance with a practice that later in the history of Italian politics allowed, and no small number of determinants transigenze, which, once established a fascist dictatorship , the culture of opposition had not long weapons to counter the extremism beyond an exile and a submissive Aventine **. This political class even during the favorable season while the resistance was able to amend all of the origins and elitist congiuratorie pernicious effect that both had in promoting the rooting of fascist ideology lying at large and transverse sections of the population. To this day the dirty game of power politics of the imperialist states, therefore, has continued to find their adult and professional personnel among the heirs of Cavour and Mazzini, no less than among the Democratic faithful observer of Christianity, or between upright followers of state socialism.


For general economy e umanista

 In una serie di saggi***, che elaborò dalla metà degli anni ’30 alla metà dei ’50, il filosofo Georges Bataille propose di riformare i fondamenti dell’economia classica, legati all’impiego utilitario delle risorse produttive, alla luce di quella che definì notion de dépense, il concetto di dispendio improduttivo. Lungo un erudito e sapiente excursus antropologico, pensato quale ripresa a rovescio della fenomenologia dello spirito hegeliana, egli individuò le origini della sovranità nei doni suntuari (potlàc) che i monarchi delle primitive organizzazioni statali offrivano ai sudditi, nell’occasione di feste di ordine religioso and celebratory events such as royal magnificence, in the image of the solar irradiation which offers abundant food for the growth of life on the planet. In a royal subject, the bearer of sovereignty, the subject projected, alienated his own. If the bourgeois culture, reflected in the ideology of the Enlightenment and in the theories of classical economics, began a partial emancipation from archaic sovereignty, Marxism and liberation movements of the proletariat, since the mid-nineteenth century, made a decisive step in reducing human subjectivity and the production of useful work the means of production and the expenditure re-emerges, however, until the present, in the annals of individual consumption and prestige, even more humiliating every day, in war and in revolution, which can not fail, now less than before, the elements of celebration and abundance that lie at its origins.


Wishes and achievements

The most desirable celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Kingdom of Italy would be to those who now lives in the Republic that it is emancipated, with a lot of grief and mourning, about sixty years ago, would in completing this work of emancipation, which can not be that subjective and collective, carries a part of joy and abundance that is decisive and human.

Giancarlo Micheli

* Pietro Badoglio (25 July 1943-8 June 1944); Ivanoe Bonomi (18 June 1944-19 June 1945); Ferruccio Parri (21 June 1945-8 December 1945), Alcide de Gasperi (10 December 1945-17 August 1953).

** was given this name to secede parliamentary (June 27, 1922) Members of opposition to Mussolini, as a deliberate act of protest against the assassination of the socialist deputy Giacomo Matteotti by militias Fascist. The name chosen was referring to the lex Icilio de Aventino published (456 BC), which ruled that the area of \u200b\u200bthe Aventine Hill was distributed to the Roman people to build homes and free from the mire of the patricians, on which we ignore if they could be, in that already distant past, speculative.

*** La Part Maud: Essai d'economies generally Editions de Minuit 1949 (tr. it. Part damn , Bollati Basic Books 1992) ; L'Histoire de l'erotism , Gallimard 1976 (tr. it. History eroticism, Fazio 2006); The Souverain, Gallimard 1976 (tr. it. sovereignty, the Mill 1990).